The walls of Paul R. Hubbert’s office at the Alabama Education Association are adorned with framed political cartoons from the state’s largest newspapers. These cartoons depict the 54-year-old teachers’ union lobbyist in various scenarios, such as a tug-of-war with former Gov. George C. Wallace, or directing union members portrayed as portly schoolmarms. The cartoons cover a significant portion of the office walls, intertwining with the trophy case and plaques that adorn the space.
It is remarkable that a state teachers’ union official has garnered enough public attention to become a subject of political caricature. What is even more noteworthy is that Paul Hubbert has used his high profile to launch a campaign for governor. Initially, many people laughed off Hubbert’s aspirations, but his exceptional talents, articulation, and attractiveness have convinced people that he has the support to succeed.
In the race for the Alabama Democratic Party’s nomination for governor, Hubbert stands out as an anomaly among the five candidates. While teachers’ unions have gained influence in state legislatures in recent years, their leaders have rarely possessed the necessary clout to seek the highest office in the state. Gov. Bob Martinez of Florida, who led the Hillsborough County Teachers Association in 1968 before distancing himself from his union roots, comes close to fitting this profile.
Experts argue that teachers’ union officials generally lack the crucial elements needed to pursue such a role: name recognition, the right kind of political influence, the determination, and the appropriate public image. Unlike his counterparts in other states, Hubbert appears to possess many of these ingredients. His journey to acquiring them is intricately intertwined with the growth of the powerful Alabama Education Association and the unique relationship between politics and education in Alabama. However, at the core of the matter, policymakers and pundits assert that it is Paul Hubbert himself who truly makes the difference.
Described by both friends and foes as intelligent, hardworking, and articulate, Hubbert also possesses a compelling early background that adds to his political appeal. Born into a family of impoverished farmers in rural Fayette County, he experienced firsthand the toil of picking cotton in his early years. Recalling his mother’s words in the Southern storytelling tradition, Hubbert recounts how she urged him to pursue an education so that he would not be trapped in a life of farming like his parents.
Hubbert heeded his mother’s advice, working his way through Florence State Teachers’ College and later earning a master’s degree and a doctorate in administration. His political consciousness was awakened in 1960, at the beginning of his short teaching career. At that time, Hubbert and his wife, Ann, both fresh out of college and working as teachers, had purchased their first washing machine and stove with the understanding that they would make the first payment upon receiving their paychecks the following week. However, a few days before the payment was due, the school principal announced over the loudspeaker that the checks might not arrive on time because the county school board had not received its funding from the state.
Ultimately, the checks were delivered as expected, but the incident left a lasting impression on Hubbert. He found it unacceptable to subject people to this kind of uncertainty and believed that someone should take responsibility for it. This event marked the beginning of his journey in building his influence and political machine.
"Paul transformed an organization that only met once a year in Birmingham and engaged in a lot of shopping around town, resulting in a plastic bag filled with small items and a yardstick," stated Mr. Parsons. "He turned it into a political organization that now holds influence in state government." According to William D. Barnard, chairman of the history department at the University of Alabama, the organization was already on its way to becoming a force in the state. This was due to the unique way in which Alabama funded its education system. Around 70 percent of the funding for Alabama schools came from the state itself, and the legislature determined the salaries and benefits of teachers. "In that sense, the aea has always held significant power," explained Mr. Barnard.
Political observers believe that Mr. Hubbert capitalized on the organization’s influential position. "First, he saw the immense power and resources available through the teachers and realized that if he could channel their energy and money, he could accomplish many things," said Mr. Ingram, the political reporter. "And that’s exactly what he did." Initially, Mr. Hubbert began recruiting teachers to run for legislative seats, which at the time, were mainly occupied by trial lawyers and businessmen. Although the organization no longer requires such recruitment efforts, Mr. Hubbert’s early push had a lasting political impact. According to a 1988 survey conducted by the Alabama Alliance of Business and Industry, 31 out of 140 state legislators were educators. This represented nearly one-fourth of all legislators.
Additionally, Mr. Hubbert contributed to the organization by implementing a process of "democratization." He opened up the decision-making process to all members instead of a small group of superintendents and principals who previously controlled it. In a strategic move, he merged the union with the Alabama State Teachers Union, a group of black teachers that was established prior to the integration of public schools. "The black group brought an advocacy aspect that we didn’t have before in the legal arena," stated Mr. Hubbert. "They had experience with the federal Voting Rights Act, and we combined that with our existing high-profile political presence." Joe Reed, the leader of the black teachers’ group also served as the head of the Alabama Democratic Conference, the largest and most influential organization of black voters in the state. Mr. Reed, who currently remains as the president of the ADC, became the associate executive secretary of the merged teachers’ union.
This alliance has endured for 21 years, although there have been instances where both groups supported different political candidates. The AEA aimed to enhance its influence by establishing a political action committee to financially support friendly candidates. Mr. Hubbert claimed that the association’s "a-vote" political action committee was the first of its kind among associations or special-interest groups in Alabama. In the most recent election cycle, the group spent slightly over $600,000 on political campaigns, and political analysts estimate that the fund now surpasses $1 million. However, Mr. Hubbert declined to disclose the exact amount. "When someone contributes $10,000 and you see their presence on the ‘Hill’ all the time, you’re bound to remember them," remarked Sandra Sims-deGraffenreid, executive director and chief lobbyist of the Alabama School Boards Association.
The teachers’ union achieved its first major legislative victory in 1971 during a showdown with then-Governor Wallace. Following pressure from a federal court to improve the state’s mental health system, Mr. Wallace proposed funding these improvements by withholding money from the teachers’ retirement fund. However, the AEA vehemently opposed this and emerged victorious. This marked the first instance where the influential Governor had ever been defeated on one of his legislative proposals.
Backlash
The state Republican Party followed regulations by conducting primaries to determine their legislative nominees. However, the executive committee of the state Democratic Party, led by Mr. Hubbert and Mr. Reed at the time, handpicked their nominees.
This sparked a political backlash that provided critics of the union and Mr. Hubbert with ammunition to question their growing influence. "The Democratic Party made a fundamental mistake," said Mr. Barnard, a historian from the University of Alabama. "They allowed the intoxication of power and influence to push them beyond what many politicians considered acceptable."
Despite downplaying the significance of this incident, Mr. Hubbert admits, "The very people who now speak about it in the most reprehensible manner were among the groups who approached us and said, ‘We do not want to finance another primary election.’" Nonetheless, it is widely believed that this move, along with the negative publicity it generated, contributed to the election of Guy Hunt in 1986, who became the state’s first Republican governor in over a century. Additionally, it provided momentum for the business community’s efforts to remove what they perceived as the ruling "unholy triad" of educators, African Americans, and trial lawyers.
Partially due to these efforts, political observers noted that the myth and perception of Paul Hubbert as a power broker began to flourish. "Ironically, his legendary image as a power broker is partly a result of the discussions held by his adversaries," observed Mr. Barnard. The culmination of this image-making process came when Governor Hunt publicly referred to Mr. Hubbert as the "czar" of the legislature. Determining how much of this perception is myth and how much is reality is challenging. "The main quality of power in politics is its mysterious nature," noted Mr. Parsons. "I believe this holds true for Paul Hubbert as well." However, despite the mystique surrounding the union leader, Alabama teachers only rank 37th in the nation in terms of average annual salaries, and the state consistently receives low ratings in per-pupil spending.
"Alabama says, ‘Thank God for Mississippi’," quipped Mr. Parsons. Poverty and the state’s school-funding formula are major obstacles to improving education funding in Alabama, according to Mr. Barnard. According to the state constitution, Alabama can only spend as much on education as it collects in income and sales taxes. Mr. Barnard explained that this amount has been limited because the state has missed out on the prosperity experienced by some of its neighboring Sun Belt states. In the end, neither Mr. Hubbert nor the AEA have managed to pass higher property taxes to support education funds. "Generally, when people talk about your strength," mused Mr. Hubbert, "you are probably only half as strong as they say. And when they talk about your weakness, you are probably only half as weak as they say." "If I am going to carry any burden into this governor’s race," he added, "at least it will be a burden born out of success."
The Race
After 21 years of lobbying and with his two daughters grown and independent, Mr. Hubbert felt the need to decide what to do with the rest of his life. He could retire and live comfortably or take on new challenges. "I simply concluded that I could achieve more in the Governor’s office than I can at AEA," he said. He entered the race last fall and officially launched his campaign in January. The Democratic primary will take place on June 5. However, he has not garnered significant support in the polls thus far. A survey conducted by his campaign in late February showed Attorney General Don Siegelman and former Gov. Fob James leading the race for the Democratic nomination. The remaining three candidates, U.S. Representative Ronnie G. Flippo, Mr. Hubbert, and State Senator Charles Bishop, were closely grouped together. Political observers attribute these early poll results to name recognition among the general public, an area where Mr. Hubbert lacks prominence as he is primarily known among state policymakers and educators. "But with enough money, you can create an image," suggested State Senator Parsons. Mr. Hubbert anticipates having approximately $2 million to spend on his campaign.
The Democratic candidate acknowledges the concerns raised and admits that he has not focused on education as much as some of his competitors. However, when it comes to education, his main emphasis has been on accountability. He argues that colleges and universities should be obligated to offer additional training, free of charge, to teacher-education graduates who are ill-prepared for their teaching assignments.
Nonetheless, his speeches have primarily centered around the need for improved healthcare, infrastructure, and economic development. He advocates for a "workfare" program, prison reform, and vows to prevent out-of-state industries from polluting Alabama with hazardous waste. His overall message has been described as a standard campaign speech.
Even if he secures the nomination of his party, he will face tough opposition from Governor Hunt, who is expected to seek a second term. However, political analysts believe it is premature to underestimate Mr. Hubbert’s ability to achieve his goals. They point out that he entered the race despite serious health issues last year that necessitated a liver transplant. Mr. Hubbert has received the go-ahead from his doctors to campaign.
State Superintendent of Education Wayne Teague, who has clashed with the influential union leader on multiple occasions during his 15-year tenure, acknowledges that he would not want to be his opponent.
